Introduction

Image Credit:

F. Fiondella (IRI/CCAFS)

The present peasant movement in the relatively developed regions is not a sudden development, but the product of a long-festering agrarian crisis, much before the recent Farm Acts. That crisis had its roots in the pattern of agriculture after the Green Revolution, and later under the post-1991 neoliberal re-structuring of India’s economy. The underlying questions have been simmering, and at places breaking out into organised struggles. It was against this background of intensifying crisis, desperation and struggle, that the Farm Acts – an attack from without – sparked an upsurge of protest among the wide spectrum of land-owning peasantry in Punjab.

This issue of Aspects consists of a series of posts which appeared on RUPE’s blog (rupeindia.wordpress.com) in the four months between December 2020 and April 2021. The posts addressed different questions related to the recent Farm Acts and other so-called reforms introduced by the Modi government – as also the interests behind these ‘reforms’.

We have focussed here on how the Farm Acts are aimed at re-shaping India’s agriculture and food system in favour of multinational firms and the domestic corporate sector. So the discussion relates more to the relatively developed and commercialised regions of India’s agriculture, which constitute only a part of India’s very varied agrarian conditions. We have also not talked much of the contradictions within the agrarian sphere itself, even in these relatively developed regions.

However, we have indirectly indicated the relationship between the internal and external aspects. For example, we have pointed out how the process of corporate entry will tend to favour large landholders over small ones, and thereby finally compel many small farmers to part with their land. We have also indicated how the corporate takeover will further erode India’s already inadequate food security; swell the ranks of the reserve army of labour; depress real wages in all sectors; depress aggregate demand; and render the country more helpless before imperialist pressures. Thus this is not only a question of the peasantry, but of all the working people, and a national question as well.

In fact, the present peasant movement in the relatively developed regions is not a sudden development, but the product of a long-festering agrarian crisis, much before the recent Farm Acts. That crisis had its roots in the pattern of agriculture after the Green Revolution, and later under the post-1991 neoliberal re-structuring of India’s economy.

The grimmest symptom of this crisis was the uninterrupted series of suicides since the late 1990s. In the course of the neoliberal ‘reforms’, poor and middle landed peasants found themselves caught in the scissors of input costs and output prices. Trapped in a cycle of usurious debt, many lost their land, and thousands committed suicide. Meanwhile agricultural labourers, lacking land for cultivation, found themselves unable to meet their consumption needs, took loans from large landholders and the like, and similarly fell into a debt trap; thousands of them too took their own lives. Women peasants, both of landed and landless households, bore the heaviest burdens of the crisis. The underlying questions have been simmering, and at places in Punjab breaking out into organised struggles by landowning peasants against usurers and commission agents; and by Dalit landless peasants against powerful landed sections, for the use of village common lands. Through these small and big struggles over the past 20 years peasant organisations of different types emerged.

It was against this background of intensifying crisis, desperation and struggle, that the Farm Acts – an attack from without – sparked an upsurge of protest among the wide spectrum of landowning peasantry (including women peasants) in Punjab; this spread thereafter to nearby states. It was the sharpening of internal contradictions that laid the base for a movement against the external assault. In that sense the present protest movement would be part of a much wider stream of peasant struggle across the greatly varied conditions of Indian agriculture. The current movement against the Farm Acts provides us with glimpses of the liberating potential of that wider stream.

The original blog posts contained some hyperlinks, which we have dropped in this print edition. They are still available on the original posts at rupeindia.wordpress.com.

Last year, Monthly Review Press, New York and Three Essays Collective, New Delhi published RUPE’s book Crisis and Predation: India, Covid-19 and Global Finance. Copies are available with us for Rs 150. Our first print run was exhausted, and we printed an additional 300 copies. As we were about to distribute these copies, the second wave of Covid-19 began, and Maharashtra is now about to lock down. We do not know if we will be able to distribute these copies. We request interested readers to order copies. Details are given in the last pages of this issue.

We also have a stock of copies of India’s Working Class and Its Prospects, a collection of essays edited with an introduction by RUPE. It too is priced at Rs 150.

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More In This Issue

Peasant Agitation against Three Acts:  Not Their Fight Alone
Peasant Agitation against Three Acts: Not Their Fight Alone

The Farm Acts spearhead the winding up of public procurement of foodgrains, on which the Public Distribution System is based. If procurement is undermined or dismantled, the PDS will necessarily be wound down further, with grave consequences for all working people across the country. Thus the present demand to scrap the new anti-peasant laws is in fact an immediate demand of India’s working people, not only a demand of the peasants from the surplus grain producing areas, nor only of the peasantry as a whole.

The authorship of Modi’s farm acts
The authorship of Modi’s farm acts

Key provisions of the measures the Modi government announced in May 2020 as part of its ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ (‘Self-Reliant India’) package were in fact were in fact spelled out in a World Bank document of August 1991, India: Country Economic Memorandum, vol. II.

The Kisans Are Right. Their Land Is At Stake (Part 1)
The Kisans Are Right. Their Land Is At Stake (Part 1)

The Government, as part of its effort to create a “vibrant land sales market”, is carrying on a drive for “conclusive titling” of all land. However, in India, where land continues to be the single largest source of livelihood and sustenance, there are often multiple, historically established, claims on it, which need to be determined through a social process. Instead, the present rapid forced-march of conclusive titling and digitizing land records threatens to oust large numbers of poor peasants.

The Kisans Are Right. Their Land Is At Stake (Part 2)
The Kisans Are Right. Their Land Is At Stake (Part 2)

The world economy is witnessing an intensifying drive by international investors to get control of land, including agricultural land. Meanwhile, in India, the peasantry is already in a deep crisis, a crisis engendered by India’s political economy itself and accentuated in its latest, neoliberal phase.

The Kisans Are Right. Their Land Is At Stake (Part 3)
The Kisans Are Right. Their Land Is At Stake (Part 3)

In order to understand what is happening to India, we can look at other countries which have suffered the same fate, some years in advance of us. The model being adopted in India today is similar to that imposed on Mexican agriculture since the onset of IMF-dictated ‘reforms’ in the 1980s, and more particularly since 1994, with the North American Free Trade Agreement.

What Prevents a Solution to the Problem of Falling Groundwater Tables in Punjab
What Prevents a Solution to the Problem of Falling Groundwater Tables in Punjab

A solution can simultaneously address three dire needs: shifting farmland in Punjab away from paddy, to crops that consume less water; improving protein consumption by India’s malnourished population; and providing stable, remunerative prices to millions of paddy farmers in other states. What stands in the way of this solution is the rulers’ own determination to restructure India’s agriculture and food system in favour of imperialism.

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